Wednesday, March 25, 2020

February 1930 Chronology

1930

Pan-African Chronology


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February 21

*Richard B. Harrison starred as "De Lawd" in The Green Pastures, which opened on Broadway.

Stage performer Richard Berry Harrison (b. September 28, 1864, London, Ontario, Canada - d. March 14, 1935, New York City, New York) found his passion for acting as a child.  He devoted his life to pursuing this passion despite the barriers imposed by the era of Jim Crow.  He finally achieved acclaim in the last years of his life for his portrayal of "De Lawd" in the Broadway production of The Green Pastures.

Harrison was born on September 28, 1864 in London, Ontario, Canada, to Thomas L. Harrison and Ysobel Benton.  His parents had escaped slavery through the Underground Railroad.


Growing up in Ontario, Harrison loved to recite poetry and attend the local theater.  He also performed his own plays for this neighbors.  When his father died in 1881, Harrison became the main provider for his family at age seventeen.  He moved to Detroit to work at the Russell House hotel.  While in Detroit, Harrison met Chambless Hull, a theater manager, who arranged for him to study at the Detroit Training School of Art.


After graduating from the Detroit Training School of Art in 1887, Harrison sought work as an actor but was rejected because of his race.  In response to this discrimination in the white theater industry, Harrison began touring the United States and Canada putting on one-man shows and reciting poetry in tents, churches, and schools.

In 1893, Harrison travelled to Chicago for the World's Columbian Exposition.  In Chicago, he met the noted African American poet, Paul Laurence Dunbar.  The two became good friends.  Indeed, Dunbar was Harrison's best man when he married Gertrude Janet Washington in 1895 in Chicago.

Harrison continued his tours into the early twentieth century, which now included theaters in Mexico as well as the United States and Canada, under the sponsorship of the Great Western Lyceum Bureau of California.  By 1913, Harrison performed at the first black-owned theater, the Pekin, in Chicago.  Theatrical performances, however, never completely supported his family, so he intermittently worked as a porter and a waiter.

Constantly on the move and under pressure to learn scripts, Harrison suffered a nervous breakdown in 1922.  Afterward James B. Dudley, President of North Carolina Agricultural and Technical (North Carolina A&T) College at Greensboro, offered Harrison the position of Chair of the Department of Dramatics.  Harrison, interested in improving the theatrical training of African Americans, remained at the college for seven years and led the effort to strengthen its programs.

Harrison left North Carolina A&T College in 1929 when he was offered the role of "De Lawd" in Marc Connelly's play The Green Pastures.  The play told the story of the Old Testament with one of the first all-black casts on Broadway.  Although this was by far the most important theatrical opportunity of his career, Harrison was initially reluctant to accept the role fearing to play the stereotypical dumb and lazy black person.  Despite these concerns, Harrison accepted the role.  The Green Pastures became extraordinarily popular as audiences were impressed by the dignity and passion of Harrison's character.

Harrison never missed a show.  He went on to perform his role in more than 1,650 shows in some 203 different cities and towns.  The play and its leading actor won multiple awards and were featured on the cover of Time magazine on March 4, 1935.  However, only ten days after Time lauded the play, Richard Harrison died of heart failure.  He died on March 14, 1935 at the age of 71.

Two funeral services were held for Harrison.  The first was at St. Philip's Church in Harlem and the second was the Cathedral of St. John the Divine in Chicago where he was buried.  Thousands of people came to his funerals in order to honor the man who had enchanted the country with his protrayal of "De Lawd".

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The Green Pastures is a play written by Marc Connelly adapted from Ol' Man Adam an' His Chillun (1928), a collection of stories written by Roark Bradford. The play was the winner of the Pulitzer Prize for Drama in 1930. The Green Pastures had the first Broadway play to have an all-black cast.  The play and the film adaptation were generally well received and hailed by white drama and film critics. African-American intellectuals and cultural critics were more critical of Connelly's claim to be presenting an authentic view of black religious thought.
The play portrays episodes from the Old Testament as seen through the eyes of a young African-American child in the Depression-era South, who interprets The Bible in terms familiar to her. Following Bradford's lead, Connelly (a white man) set the biblical stories in New Orleans and in an all-black context. He diverged from Bradford's work, however, in enlarging the role of the character "De Lawd" (God), played on stage by Richard B. Harrison (1864–1935). The Green Pastures also featured numerous African-American spirituals arranged by Hall Johnson and performed by The Hall Johnson Choir. The cast also included singer Mabel Ridley.


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February 24

*Richard Boone, a jazz musician and scat singer who became a resident of Denmark, was born in Little Rock, Arkansas.

Richard Bently Boone (b. February 24, 1930, Little Rock, Arkansas – d. February 8, 1999, Copenhagen, Denmark) was an American jazz trombonist and scat singer.  Born in Little Rock, Arkansas, Boone sang in a Baptist church choir as a boy, then began playing the trombone at the age of twelve. By the time he was 15, Boone had learned enough to go out on the road with Grover Lofton's band. The following year he won a talent contest as a singer with his version of "Embraceable You". His singing was influenced by Nat "King" Cole and his prize was to tour with the eminent Lucky Millinder Orchestra for a month.

When he was 18, Boone volunteered for the army and for six years played trombone in Special Service Orchestras. He travelled to Europe with one of these orchestras.


Out of the Army in 1953, he returned to Little Rock to study music at Philander Smith College. 


With no musical outlet in Little Rock, he moved to Los Angeles in 1958 and worked as a postal clerk. It took him a year to become established as a musician, and eventually he began to get recording dates and studio work. He played with jazz legends like Dexter Gordon and Sonny Criss and toured with the singer Della Reese from 1961 until 1966.


While in Los Angeles, he got to know Count Basie's tenor player and band manager Eddie "Lockjaw" Davis. Davis called him the next time Basie's band needed a trombone player, and Boone joined and stayed for three years. One night in a California club, after Boone had been in the band a couple of months, Basie began improvising a blues number that the rest of the band did not recognize. Egged on by Davis, Boone went to the microphone and began singing a few words. Running out of lyrics he mumbled wordless syllables. Basie was impressed and called for the same routine the following night. It soon became a showcase for Boone and was so successful that Basie called for it every night. The band featured the number for the next 18 months, and Boone expanded his repertoire to include standards like "I Got Rhythm", "Some of These Days" and "Bye Bye Blackbird".


After he left Basie in 1968, Boone recorded an album, The Singer, under his own name with a big band in Los Angeles. However, his time in Europe with the army band and work there with Basie had given Boone a taste for what he felt was a more relaxed way of life. He returned there often and like many black jazz musicians he was particularly attracted to Denmark.


Boone settled in Copenhagen, Denmark in 1970.  Two years later, he joined the Danish Radio Band, an outstanding orchestra that was to become one of the finest in the world under its resident leader Bob Brookmeyer.  Boone stayed with the band until 1985.


Boone's lucrative job in the trombone section still left him plenty of time to tour Europe, and he played and recorded in many countries, often with American colleagues like Eddie "Lockjaw" Davis and Benny Carter.  Another expatriate in Denmark was the ex-Basie arranger Ernie Wilkins.  Boone joined him when Wilkins formed his Almost Big Band in 1986.


In 1998, Boone recorded his last album, Tribute To Love, under his own name, with a band of Danish musicians.


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February 25


*Archibald Grimke, a lawyer, intellectual, journalist, diplomat and community leader who was the recipient of the Spingarn Medal in 1919, died in Washington, D. C.

Archibald Henry Grimke (b. August 17, 1849, Charleston, South Carolina - d. February 25, 1930, Washington, D. C.) was an American lawyer, intellectual, journalist, diplomat and community leader in the 19th and early 20th centuries.  A graduate of freedmen's schools, Lincoln University (Pennsylvania), and Harvard Law School, Grimke later served as American Consul to the Dominican Republic from 1894 to 1898.  Working principally in Boston and Washington, D. C., Grimke was an activist for rights for African Americans.  He was a national vice-president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), as well as president of its Washington, D. C. branch.
Grimké was born into slavery near Charleston, South Carolina, in 1849. He was the eldest of three sons of Nancy Weston, who was also born into slavery as the daughter of an enslaved African or African-American female and her white owner, and her owner Henry W. Grimké, a widower. Henry recognized his sons, but he did not manumit (free) them, nor did he make the rest of his family aware of their existence. Archibald's brothers were Francis and John. Archibald's father, Henry was a member of a prominent, large slaveholding family in Charleston. His father and his white relatives on his father's side were planters and active in political and social circles.
Henry Grimke, Archibald's father, actually had two families. After becoming a widower, Henry began a relationship with Weston. It appeared to be a caring one. He moved with her out of the city to his plantation where they and their family would have more privacy. She was his official domestic partner in the house and with Nancy, he fathered three sons. Henry taught Nancy how to read, a skill that she would pass on to their sons.  
In 1852, as he was dying, Henry tried to protect his second family by willing Nancy, who was pregnant with their third child, and their two sons Archibald and Francis to his legal (white) son and heir Montague Grimké, whose mother was Henry's deceased wife. He directed that they "be treated as members of the family," but Montague never provided well for them.
Henry's sister Eliza, executor of his will, brought the family to Charleston and allowed them to live as if they were free, but she did not aid them financially. Nancy Weston took in laundry and did other work. When the boys were old enough, they attended a public school with free blacks. In 1860 Montague "claimed them as slaves," bringing the boys into his home as servants. Later he hired out both Archibald and Francis. 
 During the American Civil War, Francis ran off and became a valet for a Confederate Army Officer stationed at Castle Pinckney, a jail for Union soldiers. Francis was found and jailed for a time before being returned to Montague Grimké, who sold him to another Confederate officer.  Archibald ran away and hid for two years with relatives until after the end of the Civil War.
After the Civil War ended, the three Grimké boys attended freedmen's schools, where their talents were recognized by the teachers. They gained support to send Archibald and Francis to the North. They studied at Lincoln University in Pennsylvania, a college established for the education of blacks.
Francis and his brother went through many hardships afterward, as their father had not provided for them financially. After the Civil War, which disrupted family fortunes further, Archibald, Francis and John were enrolled at Morris Street school, part of the Charleston public schools, a segregated system set up for the first time during the Reconstruction Era by a Republican-dominated, biracial legislature. At the Morris Street School, the talents of three brothers were recognized by the teachers.  The two older Grimke brothers gained support to send Archibald and Francis to the North. 

 John, the youngest son, did not take so well with education. .It appears that he also went North for college but he dropped out.  He chose to return to South Carolina to care for their mother, Nancy.  Later, there appears to have been a rift between John, the one left behind, and his older brothers.  For whatever reasons, John cut himself off from the rest of the family.  Later, it was reported that he moved to Florida.  He died in 1918, the youngest brother dying first.


After the Morris Street School, the brothers, Archibald and Francis, were then sponsored by Mrs. Pillsbury, sister-in-law of Parker Pillsbury, for higher education at Lincoln University. It was a historically black college founded in Pennsylvania for the education of blacks. Archibald and Francis received tuition from a church committee, but had no money for books and clothing.

Nevertheless, despite the hardships, the two brothers manage to excel at Lincoln University and financial assistance would soon come from an unlikely source.



Unbeknownst to the brothers, by the time their father Henry Grimke began his relationship with their mother Nancy Weston, Henry's two youngest sisters, Sarah and Angelina, had been gone from Charleston for years. Unwilling to live in a slave society, they left the South and their family and became noted abolitionists and feminists, drawing on their first-hand knowledge of slavery's horrors. Together known as the Grimke sisters, they were active as writers and speakers in Northern abolitionist circles, having joined the Quakers and the American Anti-Slavery Society. After Angelina married Theodore Weld, the three lived and worked for years in New Jersey. They operated a school together. In 1864, they moved to Hyde Park, Massachusetts, a new community outside Boston.
In February 1868 Angelina Grimké Weld  read an article in The Anti-Slavery Standard in which Edwin Bower, a professor at Lincoln University near Philadelphia, compared Lincoln's all-black student body favorably with any class I have ever had, with special praise for a student  after a speech of his was reported. Because of the unusual name, she wrote to learn whether he was related to her family. After learning that he was their nephew and about his brothers, Angelina and Sarah officially acknowledged the three mixed-race boys as family. The sisters supported the three boys while they were in college, and opened their home to them. 
Angelina and Sarah tried to provide Archibald and Francis with better opportunities. They paid for their nephews' education.  Both Archibald and Francis graduated from Lincoln University in 1870. Archibald and Francis then attended Harvard University and Howard University, respectively, for law. Francis shifted to Princeton Theological Seminary and became a minister. The Grimké sisters also introduced the young men to their abolitionist circles. 
Archibald graduated from Harvard Law School in 1874.  After getting established with his law practice in Boston, Massachusettws, Archibald Grimké met and married Sarah Stanley, a white woman from the Midwest. Archibald and Sarah had a daughter, Angelina Weld Grimke (named for her great aunt Angelina Grimke Weld), who was born in 1880. Archibald and Sarah separated while their daughter was young, and Stanley returned with Angelina to the Midwest when the girl was three. When Angelina was seven, Stanley started working. She brought Angelina back to her father in Boston. The couple never reconciled, and Stanley never saw her daughter again. Sarah Stanley committed suicide by poison in 1898.
In 1894, Grimké was appointed as consul to the Dominican Republic. While he was in Central America, his daughter Angelina lived for years with his brother Francis and his wife Charlotte in Washington, DC, where Francis was minister of the 15th Street Presbyterian Church.
After graduating from school, Angelina became a teacher and writer. Her essays and poetry were published by The Crisis, the major publication of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).  In 1916, Angelina wrote the play, Rachel, which addressed lynching, in response to a call by the NAACP for works to protest the controversial film, Birth of a Nation.  Angelina's play is one of the first plays by an African American considered to be part of the Harlem Renaissance.  In addition, Angelina wrote poetry, some of which is now considered the first literary works by an African American lesbian.
Archibald Grimké lived and worked in the Boston area most of his career. Beginning in the 1880s, he began to get active in politics and began speaking out about the rise of white supremacy following the end of Reconstruction in the South. In 1884, Archibald was appointed editor of the Hub, a Republican newspaper that tried to attract black readers. Grimké supported equal rights for blacks, both in the paper and in public lectures, which were popular the nineteenth century. He became increasingly active in politics, and was chosen for the Republican Party's state convention in 1884. That year he was also appointed to the board of a state hospital for the insane. Grimké became involved in the women's rights movement, which his aunts had supported, and addressed it in the Hub
Archibald was elected as president of the Massachusetts Woman Suffrage Association. Believing that the Republicans were not doing enough, he left the party in 1886. In 1889, he joined the staff of  the Boston Herald as a special writer.  Shortly after 1890, Grimke removed himself from politica and focused on scholarship.  He wrote major biographies of William Lloyd Garrison and Charles Sumner.
In the interim, in the South, the situation for blacks was deteriorating, prompting Archibald Grimké to resume the struggle against racism, allying at times with other major leaders of the day. He became involved in Frederick Douglass' National Council of Colored People, a predecessor of the NAACP.  The National Council of Colored People grappled with issues of education for blacks, especially in the South. Grimké disagreed with Booker T. Washington about emphasizing industrial and agricultural education for freedmen (the South still had a primarily agricultural economy). He believed there needed to be opportunities for scholarly higher education such as he had.
In 1894, Grimké was appointed as consul to the Dominican Republic. He would hold this position until 1898.  While Archibald was in the Caribbean, his daughter Angelina lived with his brother Francis and his wife Charlotte in Washington, D. C., where Francis was minister of the 15th Street Presbyterian Church.
After graduating from school, Angelina became a teacher and writer. Her essays and poetry were published by The Crisis, the major publication of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).  In 1916, Angelina wrote the play, Rachel, which addressed lynching, in response to a call by the NAACP for works to protest the controversial film, Birth of a Nation.  Angelina's play is one of the first plays by an African American considered to be part of the Harlem Renaissance.  In addition, Angelina wrote poetry, some of which is now considered the first literary works by an African American lesbian.
In 1901, with several other men, Archibald Grimke started The Guardian, a newspaper in which they could express their views. The trustees of The Guardian selected William Monroe Trotter as editor. Together Grimké and Trotter also organized the Boston Literary and Historical Association, which at the time was a gathering of men opposed to Washington's views. For a time, he was allied with W. E. B. Du Bois, but Grimké continued to make his own way between the two groups.
Despite earlier conflict with Washington and his followers, in 1905, Grimké started writing for The Age, published in New York and the leading black paper.  The Age was allied with Washington. He wrote about national issues from his own point of view, for instance, urging more activism and criticizing President Theodore Roosevelt for failing to adequately support black troops in Brownsville, Texas, where they were accused of starting a riot.
Continuing his interest in intellectual work, Archibald Grimke served as president of the American Negro Academy, from 1903 to 1919, which supported African-American scholars and promoted higher education for blacks. He published several papers with them, dealing with issues of the day, such as his analysis in "Modern Industrialism and the Negroes of the United States" (1908). He believed that capitalism as practiced in the United States could help freedmen who left agriculture to achieve independence and true freedom.
In 1907, Grimke became involved with the Niagara Movement, started by Du Bois, and later with the NAACP.. Grimke and Du Bois continued to struggle to find the best way to deal with racism and advance equal rights, at a time when the lynching of black men in the South continued.
Grimké became increasingly active as a leader in the NAACP, which was founded in 1909. First, he was active in Boston, for instance, writing letters in protest of proposed legislation in Washington, D. C. to prohibit interracial marriages. (The legislation was not passed.) In 1913, he was recruited by national leaders to become the president of the Washington, D. C. branch and moved to the capital with his daughter Angelina. The move reunited Archibald and Angelina with Archibald's brother Francis and his wife Charlotte who still lived in Washington D. C.
Grimké led the public protest in Washington, D.C., against the segregation of federal offices under President Woodrow Wilson, who acceded to wishes of other Southerners on his cabinet. Grimké testified before Congress against it in 1914 but did not succeed in gaining changes. About this time, he also became a national vice-president of the NAACP. The organization supported the United States in World War I, but Grimké highlighted the racial discrimination against blacks in the military and worked to change it.
Archibald fell ill in 1928. At the time, he and Angelina were living with his brother Francis, who by then was a widower. Archibald's daughter and brother cared for him until his death in 1930.

Archibald Grimke's greatest  legacy was undoubtedly his stewardship of the District of Columbia branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.  The District of Columbia branch was the organization's largest and came to represent the NAACP on all issues involving federal legislation and policy.  As branch president, Grimke led the efforts of the NAACP into the 1920s, lobbying Congress and federal agencies to inhibit the segregationist policies of Woodrow Wilson's administraion, whilc fighting against discrimination in the Washington community itself.  In 1919, in recognition of these efforts and of his lifetime of service defending the rights of African Americans, Archibald Henry Grimke received the Spingarn Medal, the NAACP's highest honor.

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(See also Appendix 1: Spingarn Medal Recipients.)

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February 26

*The President of the Dominican Republic Horacio Vasquez fled Santo Domingo as rebel forces controlled by General Rafael Trujillo, a person of African descent, toppled his government.
Rafael Trujillo, in full Rafael Leónidas Trujillo Molina, (b. October 24, 1891, San Cristobal, Dominican Republic - d. May 30, 1961, Ciudad Trujillo, near San Cristóbal, Dominican Republic) was the dictator of the Dominican Republic from 1930 until his assassination in 1961.

Rafael Leonidas Trujillo Molina was born on October 24, 1891, in San Cristobal, Dominican Republic, into a lower middle class family. His father was José Trujillo Valdez, the son of Silveria Valdez Méndez of colonial Dominican origin and José Trujillo Monagas, a Spanish sergeant who arrived in Santo Domingo as a member of the Spanish reinforcement troops during the annexation era. Trujillo's mother was Altagracia Julia Molina Chevalier, later known as Mama Julia, the daughter of Pedro Molina Peña, also of colonial Dominican origin, and the teacher Luisa Erciná Chevalier, whose parents were part of the remaining French descendants in Haiti.  Luisa's father (Trujillo's great grandfather), Justin Alexis Víctor Turenne Carrié Blaise, was of French descent, while Luisa's mother (Trujillo's great grandmother), Eleonore Juliette Chevallier Moreau, was part of Haiti's mulatto class. Trujillo was the third of eleven children.

In 1897, at age six, Trujillo was registered in the school of Juan Hilario Meriño. One year later he transferred to the school of Broughton, where he became a pupil of Eugenio Maria de Hostos and remained there for the rest of his primary schooling. At the age of 16, Trujillo got a job as a telegraph operator, which he held for about three years. Shortly afterwards, Trujillo turned to crime—cattle stealing, check counterfeiting, and postal robbery. He spent several months in prison.  Nevertheless, his time in prison did not deter Trujillo, as he later formed a violent gang of robbers called the 42.

Trujillo entered the Dominican army in 1918 and was trained by United States Marines during the United States occupation (1916–24) of the country. He rose from lieutenant to commanding colonel of the national police between 1919 and 1925, becoming a general in 1927. Trujillo seized power in the military revolt against President Horacio Vásquez in 1930. From that time until his assassination 31 years later, Trujillo remained in absolute control of the Dominican Republic through his command of the army, by placing family members in office, and by having many of his political opponents murdered. He served officially as president from 1930 to 1938 and again from 1942 to 1952.
In 1916, the United States occupied the Dominican Republic due to threats of defaulting on foreign debts. The occupying force soon established a Dominican army constabulary to impose order. Trujillo joined the National Guard in 1918 and trained with the United States Marines. Seeing opportunity, Trujillo impressed the recruiters and won promotion from cadet to general and commander-in-chief of the Army in only nine years.
A rebellion (or coup d'etat) against President Horacio Vasquez broke out in February 1930 in Santiago. Trujillo secretly cut a deal with rebel leader Rafael Estrella Urena. In return for Trujillo letting Estrella take power, Estrella would allow Trujillo to run for president in new elections. As the rebels marched toward Santo Domingo, Vásquez ordered Trujillo to suppress them. However, feigning "neutrality", Trujillo kept his men in their barracks, allowing Estrella's rebels to take the capital virtually unopposed. 
On March 3, 1930, Estrella was proclaimed acting president, with Trujillo confirmed as head of the police and of the army. As per their agreement, Trujillo became the presidential nominee of the Patriotic Coalition of Citizens (Spanish: Coalición patriotica de los ciudadanos), with Estrella as his running mate. The other candidates became targets of harassment by the army. When it became apparent that the army would only allow Trujillo to campaign unhindered, the other candidates pulled out. Ultimately, the Trujillo–Estrella ticket was proclaimed victorious with an implausible 99 percent of the vote. In a note to the State Department, American ambassador Charles Boyd Curtis wrote that Trujillo received far more votes than actual voters.
Competent in business, capable in administration, and ruthless in politics, Trujillo brought a degree of peace and prosperity to the republic that it had not previously enjoyed. However, the benefits of economic modernization were inequitably distributed in favor of Trujillo and his favorites and supporters. Moreover, the people of the country paid for the prosperity with the loss of their civil and political liberties. Haitians living in the Dominican Republic suffered acutely. Trujillo encouraged anti-Haitian prejudice among Dominicans, and in 1937 he ordered the massacre of thousands of Haitian migrants.
In spite of the harsh measures that Trujillo took to protect his power, domestic opposition continued to grow during the later years of his regime, and he also came under considerable foreign pressure to liberalize his rule. He began to lose support in the army, and this led to his assassination by machine-gun fire as he was driving to his San Cristóbal farm. Many of the supposed assassins, including General J.T. Díaz, were subsequently captured and executed.

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In a 2014 population survey of the people of the Dominican Republic, 70.4% self-identified as mixed (mestizo/indio 58%, mulatto 12.4%), 15.8% as black, 13.5% as white, and 0.3% as "other". A different survey in 2006 reported 67.6% mulatto and indio, 18.3% black, and 13.6% white.  However, according to the electoral roll completed in 1996, 82.5% of the adult population were indio, 7.55% white, 4.13% black, and 2.3% mulatto. Historically there has been a reluctance to expressly identify African ancestry, with most identifying or being identified as mestizo or indio rather than mulatto or black.


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Mulatto (French: mulâtre, Haitian Creole: milat) is a term in Haiti that is historically linked to Haitians who are born to one white parent and one black parent, or to two mulatto parents. Contemporary usage of the term in Haiti is also applied to the bourgeoisie, pertaining to high social and economic stature.
People of mulatto and white descent constitute a minority of five percent (5%) of the Haitian population.
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In the colonial period of Haiti, the French imposed a three-tiered social structure similar to the casta system in colonial Hispanic America.  At the top of the social and political ladder was the white elite (grands blancs). At the bottom of the social structure were the enslaved blacks (noirs), most of whom had been born in Africa. Between the white elite and the slaves arose a third group, the freedmen (affranchis), most of whom were descended from unions of slave owners and slaves umder an arrangement known as placage. Some Mulatto freedmen inherited land from their white fathers, became relatively wealthy and owned slaves (perhaps as many as one-fourth of all slaves in Saint-Domingue belonged to affranchi owners). Nevertheless, racial codes kept the affranchis socially and politically inferior to the whites in the racial hierarchy. Also between the white elite and the slaves were the poor whites (petits blancs), who considered themselves socially superior to the Mulattoes, even if they sometimes found themselves economically inferior to them.
Of a population of 519,000 in 1791, 87 percent were slaves, 8 percent were whites, and 5 percent were freedmen. Because of harsh living and working conditions, the mortality rate among the enslaved blacks was extremely high, so new slaves were continuously imported to replace the ones who died. Thus, at the time of the slave rebellion of 1791, most slaves had been born in Africa rather than in Saint-Domingue.
The Haitian Revolution (1791-1804) changed the country's social structure. The colonial ruling class, and much of the white population, was killed or expelled, and the plantation economy was largely destroyed. The earliest black and mulatto leaders attempted to restore a plantation system that relied on an essentially free labor force, through strict military control, but the system collapsed during the tenure of Alexandre Petion (1806–18). The Haitian Revolution broke up plantations and distributed land among the former slaves. Through this process, the new Haitian upper class lost control over agricultural land and labor, which had been the economic basis of colonial control. To maintain their superior economic and social position, the new Haitian upper class turned away from agricultural pursuits in favor of more urban-based activities, particularly government.
The nineteenth-century Haitian ruling class consisted of two groups: the urban elite and the military leadership. The urban elite were primarily a closed group of educated, comparatively wealthy, and French-speaking Mulattoes. Birth determined an individual's social position, and shared values and intermarriage reinforced class solidarity. The military, however, was a means of advancement for disadvantaged black Haitians. In a shifting, and often uneasy, alliance with the military, the urban elite ruled the country and kept the peasantry isolated from national affairs. The urban elite promoted French norms and models as a means of separating themselves from the peasantry. Thus, French language and manners, orthodox Roman Catholicism, and light skin were important criteria of high social position. The elite disdained manual labor, industry, and commerce in favor of the more genteel professions, such as law and medicine.

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casta is a term which has been interpreted by certain historians during the 20th century to describe mixed-race individuals in Spanish America, resulting from unions of Spaniards (españoles), Amerindians (Indios), and Africans (Negros). Basic mixed-race categories that appeared in official colonial documentation include Mestizo, generally offspring of a Spaniard and an IndiaCastizo, offspring of a Spaniard and a MestizaMulatto, offspring of a Spaniard and a Negra; and Morisco was the offspring of a Spaniard and a Mulatta. There were a plethora of terms for mixed-race persons of indigenous and African ancestry, some of which appear in official documentation, but many do not.
Racial category labels had legal and social consequences, since racial status was a key organizing principle of Spanish colonial rule. Often called the sistema de castas or the sociedad de castas, there was, in fact, no fixed system of classification for individuals. There was considerable fluidity in society, with individuals being identified by different categories simultaneously or over time. Individuals self-identified by particular terms, often to shift their status from one category to another to their advantage. For example, Mestizos were exempt from tribute obligations, but were subject to the Inquisition, unlike Indios, who paid tribute and were exempt from the Inquisition. A Mestizo might try to "pass" as an Indio to escape the Inquisition. An Indio might try to pass as a Mestizo to escape tribute obligations.

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Affranchi is a former French legal term denoting a freedman or emancxipated slave, but was a term used to refer pejoratively to mulattoes. It is used in the English language to describe the social class of freedmen in Saint-Domingue, and other slave-holding French territories, who held legal rights intermediate between those of free whites and enslaved Africans. In Saint-Domingue, roughly half of the affranchis were gens de couleur libres (free people of color; Mulatto) and the other half African slaves.
The term is derived from the French word for emancipation — affranchissement, or enfranchisement in terms of political rights. But, the affranchis were barred from the franchise (voting) prior to a 1791 court case, which followed the French Revolution. The decision in their favor prompted a backlash from the French white planter class on Saint-Domingue, who also exerted power in France. These elements contributed to the outbreak of the Haitian Revolution.
The affranchis had legal and social advantages over enslaved Africans. They became a distinct class in the society between whites and slaves. They could get some education, were able to own land, and could attend some French colonial entertainments. Planters who took slave women or free women of color as concubines, often sent their sons to France for education. In some cases these sons entered the French military. The parents were more likely to settle property on them as well. Because of such property and class issues, some free men of color considered themselves to have status above that of the petits blancs, shopkeepers and workers. Nonetheless, the latter had more political rights in the colony until after the Revolution.
The colonists passed so many restrictions that the affranchis were limited as a separate caste. The affranchis could not vote or hold colonial administrative posts, or work in professional careers as doctors or lawyers. There were sumptuary laws: the free people of color were forbidden to wear the style of clothes favored by the wealthy white colonists. In spite of the disadvantages, many educated affranchis identified culturally with France rather than with the enslaved population. A social class in between, the free people of color sometimes had tensions with both whites and enslaved Africans.
Ambitious mulattoes worked to gain acceptance from the white colonists who held power in that society. As they advanced in society, affranchis often also held land and slaves. Some acted as creditors for planters. One of the affranchi leaders in the late 18th century, Julien Raimond, an indigo planter, claimed that affranchis owned a third of all the slaves in the colony at that time. In the early years of the French Revolution and Haitian Revolution, many gens de couleur were committed to maintaining the institution of slavery. They wanted political equality based on class - that is, extended to men of property, regardless of skin color.

*****
Plaçage was a recognized extralegal system in French and Spanish slave colonies of North America (including the Caribbean) by which ethnic European men entered into civil unions with non-Europeans of African, Native American and mixed-race descent. The term comes from the French placer meaning "to place with". The women were not legally recognized as wives but were known as placées; their relationships were recognized among the free people of color (gens de couleur libres) as mariages de la main gauche or left-handed marriages. They became institutionalized with contracts or negotiations that settled property on the woman and her children, and in some cases gave them freedom if they were enslaved. The system flourished throughout the French and Spanish colonial periods, reaching its zenith during the latter, between 1769 and 1803.
Placage was widely practiced in New Orleans, where planter society had created enough wealth to support the system. It also took place in the Latin-influenced cities of Natchez and Biloxi, Mississippi; Mobile, Alabama; Saint Augustine and Pensacola, Florida; as well as Saint-Domingue (now the Republic of Haiti).  Placage became associated with New Orleans as part of its cosmopolitan society.

*****


(See also Appendix 2:  Colonial Racial Categories.)

(See also Appendix 3: Race and Ethnicity in Contemporary Latin America.)

Rafael Trujillo, Dominican Republic Dictator

Rafael Leónidas Trujillo Molina (/trˈhj/ troo-HEE-yohSpanish: [rafaˈel leˈoniðas tɾuˈxiʝo]; 24 October 1891 – 30 May 1961), nicknamed El Jefe (Spanish: [el ˈxefe], "The Chief" or "The Boss"), was a Dominican politician and soldier who ruled the Dominican Republic from February 1930 until his assassination in May 1961.[2] He served as president from 1930 to 1938 and again from 1942 to 1952, ruling for the rest of the time as an unelected military strongman under figurehead presidents.[Note 1] His 31 years in power, to Dominicans known as the Trujillo Era (Spanish: El Trujillato), are considered one of the bloodiest eras ever in the Americas, as well as a time of a personality cult, when monuments to Trujillo were in abundance. Trujillo and his regime were responsible for many deaths, including between 20,000 and 30,000 Haitians in the infamous Parsley massacre.[3][Note 2][Note 3]
During his long rule, the Trujillo government extended its policy of state terrorism beyond national borders. Notorious examples of Trujillo's reach abroad are the unsuccessful assassination attempt in Caracas against Venezuelan President Rómulo Betancourt (1960), the abduction and subsequent disappearance in New York City of the Spaniard Jesús Galíndez (1956), the murder of writer José Almoina in Mexico, also a Spaniard, and crimes committed against Cubans, Costa Ricans, Nicaraguans, and Puerto Ricans, as well as United States citizens.[6]
The Trujillo era unfolded in a Hispanic Caribbean environment that was particularly fertile for dictatorial regimes.[Note 4] In the countries of the Caribbean Basin alone, his dictatorship was concurrent, in whole or in part, with those in Cuba, Nicaragua, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Venezuela, and Haiti. In retrospect, the Trujillo dictatorship has been characterized as more prominent and more brutal than those that rose and fell around it.[8]
Trujillo remains a polarizing figure in the Dominican Republic; as is the case with Spain's Francisco Franco, the sheer longevity of his rule makes a detached evaluation difficult. While his supporters credit him for bringing stability and prosperity to the country, others criticize his heavy-handed rule and disregard for civil rights and freedoms.

Early life[edit]

Rafael Leonidas Trujillo Molina was born on 24 October 1891 in San Cristóbal, Dominican Republic, into a lower-middle-class family.[9] His father was José Trujillo Valdez, the son of Silveria Valdez Méndez of colonial Dominican origin and José Trujillo Monagas, a Spanish sergeant who arrived in Santo Domingo as a member of the Spanish reinforcement troops during the annexation era. Trujillo's mother was Altagracia Julia Molina Chevalier, later known as Mama Julia, the daughter of Pedro Molina Peña, also of colonial Dominican origin, and the teacher Luisa Erciná Chevalier, whose parents were part of the remaining French descendants in Haiti: her father, Justin Alexis Víctor Turenne Carrié Blaise, was of French descent, while her mother, Eleonore Juliette Chevallier Moreau, was part of Haiti's mulatto class.[10][11] Trujillo was the third of eleven children;[9][Note 5] he also had an adopted brother, Luis Rafael "Nene" Trujillo (21 January 1935 – 14 August 2005), who was raised in the home of Trujillo Molina.[10]
In 1897, at age six, Trujillo was registered in the school of Juan Hilario Meriño. One year later he transferred to the school of Broughton, where he became a pupil of Eugenio María de Hostos and remained there for the rest of his primary schooling. At the age of 16, Trujillo got a job as a telegraph operator, which he held for about three years. Shortly after Trujillo turned to crime—cattle stealing, check counterfeiting, and postal robbery. He spent several months in prison, which did not deter Trujillo, as he later formed a violent gang of robbers called the 42.[12][13]

Rise to power[edit]

In 1916, the United States occupied the Dominican Republic due to threats of defaulting on foreign debts. The occupying force soon established a Dominican army constabulary to impose order. Trujillo joined the National Guard in 1918 and trained with the U.S. Marines.[14] Seeing opportunity, Trujillo impressed the recruiters and won promotion from cadet to general and commander-in-chief of the Army in only nine years.[13]
rebellion (or coup d'état[15][16]) against President Horacio Vásquez broke out in February 1930 in Santiago. Trujillo secretly cut a deal with rebel leader Rafael Estrella Ureña; in return for Trujillo letting Estrella take power, Estrella would allow Trujillo to run for president in new elections. As the rebels marched toward Santo Domingo, Vásquez ordered Trujillo to suppress them. However, feigning "neutrality", Trujillo kept his men in barracks, allowing Estrella's rebels to take the capital virtually unopposed. On 3 March, Estrella was proclaimed acting president, with Trujillo confirmed as head of the police and of the army. As per their agreement, Trujillo became the presidential nominee of the Patriotic Coalition of Citizens (Spanish: Coalición patriotica de los ciudadanos), with Estrella as his running mate.[17] The other candidates became targets of harassment by the army. When it became apparent that the army would only allow Trujillo to campaign unhindered, the other candidates pulled out. Ultimately, the Trujillo–Estrella ticket was proclaimed victorious with an implausible 99 percent of the vote.[18] In a note to the State Department, American ambassador Charles Boyd Curtis wrote that Trujillo received far more votes than actual voters.[19]

Trujillo government[edit]

Stamp issued in 1933 on the occasion of Trujillo's 42nd birthday
Three and a half weeks after Trujillo ascended to the Presidency the destructive Hurricane San Zenon hit Santo Domingo and left 2,000 dead. As a response to this disaster, Trujillo placed the Dominican Republic under martial law and began to rebuild the city. After the city was rebuilt, he renamed the capital of the Dominican Republic Ciudad Trujillo (Trujillo City) in his honor and had streets, monuments, and landmarks to honor him throughout the country.[20] On 16 August 1931, the first anniversary of his inauguration, Trujillo made the Dominican Party the nation's sole legal political party. However, the country had effectively become a one-party state with Trujillo's swearing-in. Government employees were required by law to "donate" 10 percent of their salaries to the national treasury,[21][22] and there was strong pressure on adult citizens to join the party. Party members had to carry a membership card, nicknamed the "palmita" as the cover had a palm tree on it, and a person could be arrested for vagrancy without one. Those who did not join or contribute to the party did so at their own risk. Opponents of the régime were mysteriously killed.[citation needed] In 1934 Trujillo, who had promoted himself to Generalissimo of the army, was up for re-election. By this time, there was no organized opposition left in the country, and he was elected as the sole candidate on the ballot. In addition to the widely rigged (and regularly uncontested) elections, he instated "civic reviews", with large crowds shouting their loyalty to the government.[21]

Personality cult[edit]

Heraldic flag used by Trujillo as Generalissimo of the Armies
In 1936, at the suggestion of Mario Fermín CabralCongress voted overwhelmingly to change the name of the capital from Santo Domingo to Ciudad Trujillo. The province of San Cristóbal was renamed "Trujillo", and the nation's highest peak, Pico Duarte, was rebaptized Pico Trujillo. Statues of "El Jefe" were mass-produced and erected across the Republic, and bridges and public buildings were named in his honor. The nation's newspapers had praise for Trujillo as part of the front page, and license plates included slogans such as "¡Viva Trujillo!" and "Año Del Benefactor De La Patria" (Year of the Benefactor of the Nation). An electric sign was erected in Ciudad Trujillo so that "Dios y Trujillo" could be seen at night as well as in the day. Eventually, even churches were required to post the slogan "Dios en cielo, Trujillo en tierra" (God in Heaven, Trujillo on Earth). As time went on, the order of the phrases was reversed (Trujillo on Earth, God in Heaven). Trujillo was recommended for the Nobel Peace Prize by his admirers, but the committee declined the suggestion.[23]
Era de Trujillo sign: "In this household, Trujillo is a national symbol"
Trujillo was eligible to run again in 1938, but, citing the United States example of two presidential terms, he stated: "I voluntarily, and against the wishes of my people, refuse re-election to the high office."[24] In fact, a vigorous reelection campaign had been launched in the middle of 1937 but the international uproar that followed the Haitian massacre later that year forced Trujillo to announce his "return to private life".[25] Consequently, the Dominican Party nominated Trujillo's handpicked successor, 71-year-old vice-president Jacinto Peynado, with Manuel de Jesús Troncoso as his running mate. They appeared alone on the ballot in the 1938 election. Trujillo kept his positions as generalissimo of the army and leader of the Dominican Party. It was understood that Peynado was merely a puppet, and Trujillo still held all governing power in the nation. Peynado increased the size of the electric "Dios y Trujillo" sign and died on 7 March 1940, with Troncoso serving out the rest of the term. However, in 1942, with President Franklin D. Roosevelt having run for a third term in the United States, Trujillo ran for president again and was elected unopposed. He served for two terms, which he lengthened to five years each. In 1952, under pressure from the Organization of American States, he ceded the presidency to his brother, Héctor. Despite being officially out of power, Trujillo organized a major national celebration to commemorate twenty-five years of his rule in 1955. Gold and silver commemorative coins were minted with his image.[citation needed]

Oppression[edit]

Rafael Trujillo (right) and guest Anastasio Somoza at the inauguration of Héctor Trujillo as president in 1952
Brutal oppression of actual or perceived members of the opposition was the key feature of Trujillo's rule right from the beginning in 1930 when his gang, "The 42", under its leader Miguel Angel Paulino, drove through the streets in their red Packard "carro de la muerte" ("car of death").[26] Trujillo also maintained an execution list of people throughout the world who he felt were his direct enemies or who he felt had wronged him. He did even at one point allow an opposition party to legally form and permitted them to operate openly. This was mainly so he could identify his opposition and arrest or kill them.[27]
Imprisonments and killings were later handled by the SIM, the Servicio de Inteligencia Militar, efficiently organized by Johnny Abbes. Some cases reached international notoriety such as the Galíndez case and the murder of the Mirabal sisters further eroding Trujillo's critical support by the US government. After Trujillo approved an assassination attempt on the Venezuelan president Rómulo Ernesto Betancourt Bello, the Organization of American States (OAS) was formed and the United States blocked Trujillo's access to U.S. sugar quota profits.[28]

Immigration[edit]

Trujillo was known for his open-door policy, accepting Jewish refugees from Europe, Japanese migration during the 1930s, and exiles from Spain following its civil war. He developed a uniquely Dominican policy of racial discrimination, Antihaitianismo ("anti-Haitianism"), targeting the mostly black inhabitants of his neighboring country and those within the Platano Curtain, including many Afro-Dominican citizens. At the 1938 Évian Conference the Dominican Republic was the only country willing to accept many Jews and offered to accept up to 100,000 refugees on generous terms.[29] In 1940 an agreement was signed and Trujillo donated 26,000 acres (110 km2) of his properties for settlements. The first settlers arrived in May 1940; eventually, some 800 settlers came to Sosua and most moved later on to the United States.[29]
Refugees from Europe broadened the Dominican Republic's tax base and added more whites to the predominantly mixed-race nation. The government favored white refugees over others while Dominican troops expelled illegal aliens, resulting in the 1937 Parsley Massacre of Haitian immigrants.[citation needed]

Environmental policy[edit]

The Trujillo regime greatly expanded the Vedado del Yaque, a nature reserve around the Yaque del Sur River. In 1934 he banned the slash-and-burn method of clearing land for agriculture, set up a forest warden agency to protect the park system, and banned the logging of pine trees without his permission. In the 1950s the Trujillo regime commissioned a study on the hydroelectric potential of damming the Dominican Republic's waterways. The commission concluded that only forested waterways could support hydroelectric dams, so Trujillo banned logging in potential river watersheds. After his assassination in 1961, logging resumed in the Dominican Republic. Squatters burned down the forests for agriculture, and logging companies clear-cut parks. In 1967, President Joaquín Balaguer launched military strikes against illegal logging.[22]
Trujillo encouraged foreign investment in the Dominican Republic, particularly from Americans. He gave a concession with mineral rights in the Azua Basin to Clem S. Clarke, an oilman from ShreveportLouisiana.[30]

Foreign policy[edit]

Trujillo tended toward peaceful coexistence with the United States government. During World War II Trujillo sided with the Allies and declared war on GermanyItaly and Japan on 11 December 1941. While there was no military participation, the Dominican Republic thus became a founding member of the United Nations. Trujillo encouraged diplomatic and economic ties with the United States, but his policies often caused friction with other nations of Latin America, especially Costa Rica and Venezuela. He maintained friendly relations with Franco of Spain, Perón of Argentina, and Somoza of Nicaragua. Towards the end of his rule, his relationship with the United States deteriorated.[citation needed]
The extensive development of the Dominican military during World War II, a buildup that continued unabated after the war with the assistance of arms-dealing countries such as Brazil and Sweden, disturbed the Caribbean peace even as the global conflict ended. Military might, much of its surplus merchandise such as P-51 Mustang fighters and B-26 Marauder bombers, maintained Trujillo as the unassailable master of the Dominican Republic. Trujillo's war-based military complex, most notably its air capability, kept neighboring Haiti in a near-constant state of tension. The threat of being bombed by the Dominican Republic extended to Cuba, Mexico, and Venezuela, among other places, as long as Rafael Trujillo retained his capricious control until 1961.[31]

Hull–Trujillo Treaty[edit]

Early on, Trujillo determined that Dominican financial affairs had to be put in order, and that included ending the United States's role as collector of Dominican customs—a situation that had existed since 1907 and was confirmed in a 1924 convention signed at the end of the occupation.[citation needed]
Negotiations started in 1936 and lasted four years. On 24 September 1940, Trujillo and the American Secretary of State Cordell Hull signed the Hull–Trujillo Treaty, whereby the United States relinquished control over the collection and application of customs revenues, and the Dominican Republic committed to deposit consolidated government revenues in a special bank account to guarantee repayment of foreign debt. The government was free to set custom duties with no restrictions.[32]
This diplomatic success gave Trujillo the occasion to launch a massive propaganda campaign that presented him as the savior of the nation. A law proclaimed that the Benefactor was also now the Restaurador de la independencia financiera de la Republica (Restorer of the Republic's financial independence).[33]

Haiti[edit]

Trujillo with President Magloire of Haiti. Hector and Ramfis Trujillo in attendance
Haiti had historically occupied what is now the Dominican Republic, from 1822–1844. Encroachment by Haiti was an ongoing process, and when Trujillo took over, specifically the northwest border region had become increasingly "Haitianized."[34] The border was poorly defined. In 1933, and again in 1935, Trujillo met the Haitian President Sténio Vincent to settle the border issue. By 1936, they reached and signed a settlement. At the same time, Trujillo plotted against the Haitian government by linking up with General Calixte, Commander of the Garde d'Haiti, and Élie Lescot, at that time the Haitian ambassador in Ciudad Trujillo (Santo Domingo).[34] After the settlement, when further border incursions occurred, Trujillo initiated the Parsley Massacre.

Parsley Massacre[edit]

Known as La Masacre del Perejil in Spanish, the massacre was started by Trujillo in 1937. Claiming that Haiti was harboring his former Dominican opponents, he ordered an attack on the border that slaughtered tens of thousands of Haitians as they tried to escape. The number of dead is still unknown, though it is now calculated between 20,000 and 30,000.[Note 6] The Dominican military used machetes to murder and decapitate many of the victims; they also took people to the port of Montecristi, where many victims were thrown into the ocean to drown with their hands and feet bound.[36] In 1975, Joaquín Balaguer, the Dominican Republic's interim Foreign Minister at the time of the massacre, put the number of dead at 17,000.[37]
The Haitian response was muted, but its government eventually called for an international investigation. Under pressure from Washington, Trujillo agreed to a reparation settlement in January 1938 of US$750,000. By the next year, the amount had been reduced to US$525,000 (US$9.34 million in 2020); 30 dollars per victim, of which only 2 cents were given to survivors, due to corruption in the Haitian bureaucracy.[24][38]
In 1941, Lescot, who had received financial support from Trujillo, succeeded Vincent as President of Haiti. Trujillo expected that Lescot would be his puppet, but Lescot turned against him. Trujillo unsuccessfully tried to assassinate him in a 1944 plot, and then published their correspondence to discredit him.[34] Lescot fled into exile in 1946 after demonstrations against him.[39]

Cuba[edit]

In 1947 Dominican exiles, including Juan Bosch, had concentrated in Cuba. With the approval and support of Cuba's Grau government, an expeditionary force was trained with the intention of invading the Dominican Republic and overthrowing Trujillo. However, international pressure, including from the United States, made the exiles abort the expedition.[40] In turn, when Fulgencio Batista was in power, Trujillo initially supported anti-Batista supporters of Carlos Prío Socarrás in Oriente Province in 1955; however, weapons Trujillo sent were soon inherited by Fidel Castro's insurgents when Prío allied with Castro. After 1956, when Trujillo saw that Castro was gaining ground, he started to support Batista with money, planes, equipment, and men. Trujillo, convinced that Batista would prevail, was very surprised when he showed up as a fugitive after being ousted. Trujillo kept Batista until August 1959 as a "virtual prisoner".[41] Only after paying between three and four million U.S. dollars could Batista leave for Portugal, which had granted him a visa.[41]
Castro made threats to overthrow Trujillo, and Trujillo responded by increasing the budget for national defense. A foreign legion formed to defend Haiti, as many expected that Castro might invade the Haitian part of the island first and remove François Duvalier as well. On 14 June 1959, an abortive invasion to topple Trujillo began. On that day, a plane with Dominican markings left Cuba and landed at the Cordillera Central in the Dominican Republic. On board were 225 men led by a Dominican named Enrique Jimenez Moya and a Cuban named Delico Gomez Ochoa, both of whom were friends of Castro. The invasion force was composed of men from various Latin American countries and Spain. Some Americans also participated. As soon as the invaders landed, they were met by soldiers of the Dominican Army, and 30 to 40 men escaped.[citation needed]
A week later, another group of invaders boarded two yachts and was escorted by Cuban gunboats to Great Inagua, in the Bahamas, heading for the Dominican coast. Instead, the group was spotted by Dominican soldiers who blasted the yacht to pieces. Trujillo ordered his son, Ramfis, to lead the hunt for the invaders, and soon they were captured. The leaders of the invasion were taken aboard a Dominican Air Force plane and then pushed out in midair, falling to their deaths.[citation needed]
In turn, in August 1959, Johnny Abbes attempted to support an anti-Castro group led by Escambray near Trinidad, Cuba. The attempt, however, was thwarted when Cuban troops surprised a plane he had sent as it unloaded its cargo.[42]

Betancourt incident[edit]

By the late 1950s, opposition to Trujillo's regime was building to a fever pitch. Many clamored for democratization, particularly those of younger generations who had no memory of the poverty and instability that preceded Trujillo. The Trujillo regime responded with greater repression. The Military Intelligence Service (SIM) secret police, led by Johnny Abbes, remained as ubiquitous as before.
Trujillo began to interfere more in the domestic affairs of neighboring countries. He expressed great contempt for Venezuela's president Rómulo Betancourt. An established and outspoken opponent of Trujillo, Betancourt associated with Dominicans who had plotted against the dictator. Trujillo developed an obsessive personal hatred of Betancourt and supported numerous plots by Venezuelan exiles to overthrow him. This pattern of intervention led the Venezuelan government to take its case against Trujillo to the Organization of American States (OAS). This infuriated Trujillo, who ordered his agents to plant a bomb in Betancourt's car. On 24 June 1960, while Betancourt was driving through the streets of Caracas, Venezuela, during the annual Army Day parade, a powerful bomb exploded in his motorcade. The bomb had been placed in a green Oldsmobile parked near the parade route and contained 65 kilos of TNT. The blast exploded right under the car carrying Betancourt and his party. The car was sent flying across the street. One person in the auto was killed, and Betancourt suffered severe burns to his hands.[43]
The Betancourt incident inflamed world opinion against Trujillo. Outraged OAS members voted unanimously to sever diplomatic relations with his government and impose economic sanctions on the Dominican Republic. The brutal murder on Friday, 25 November 1960, of the three Mirabal sisters, Patria, María Teresa and Minerva, who opposed Trujillo's dictatorship, further increased discontent with his repressive rule.

Personal life[edit]

Trujillo's "central arch" was his instinct for power.[44] This was coupled with an intense desire for money, which he recognized as a source of and support for power. Up at four in the morning, he exercised, studied the newspaper, read many reports, and completed papers before breakfast. At the office by nine, he continued his work, and took lunch by noon. After a walk, he continued to work until 7:30 pm. After dinner, he attended functions, held discussions, or was driven around incognito in the city "observing and remembering."[44] Until Santo Domingo's National Palace was built in 1947, he worked out of the Casas Reales, the colonial-era Viceregal center of administration. Today the building is a museum; on display are his desk and chair, along with a massive collection of arms and armor that he bought. He was methodical, punctual, secretive, and guarded; he had no true friends, only associates and acquaintances. For his associates, his actions towards them were unpredictable.[citation needed]
Postage stamps honoring family members
Trujillo and his family amassed enormous wealth. He acquired cattle lands on a grand scale, and went into meat and milk production, operations that soon evolved into monopolies. Salt, sugar, tobacco, lumber, and the lottery were other industries that he or his family members dominated. Family members also received positions within the government and the army, including one of Trujillo's sons who was made a colonel in the Dominican Army when he was only four years old.[Note 7][Note 8] Two of Trujillo's brothers, Héctor and José Arismendy, also held positions in his government. José Arismendy Trujillo oversaw the creation of the main radio station, La Voz Dominicana, and later the television station, the fourth in the Caribbean.[citation needed]
By 1937 Trujillo's annual income was about $1.5 million ($27 million in 2019);[46] at the time of his death the state took over 111 Trujillo-owned companies. His love of fine and ostentatious clothing was displayed in elaborate uniforms and suits, of which he collected almost two thousand.[47] Fond of neckties, he amassed a collection of over ten thousand. Trujillo doused himself with perfume and liked gossip.[48] His sexual appetite was rapacious, and he preferred mulatto women with full bodies, later tending to rape "very young" women.[44] Many who sought his favors procured women for him, and later, he had an official on his palace staff to organize the sessions. Encounters typically lasted for one or two sessions, but he often kept favorites for longer terms. If women resisted, Trujillo pressured their families to get his way.[44]
Trujillo with his second wife Bienvenida in 1934.
Trujillo was married three times and kept other women as mistresses. On 13 August 1913, Trujillo married Aminta Ledesma Lachapelle. On 30 March 1927, Trujillo married Bienvenida Ricardo Martínez, a girl from Monte Cristi and the daughter of Buenaventura Ricardo Heureaux. A year later he met María de los Angeles Martínez Alba "la españolita", and had an affair with her. He divorced Bienvenida in 1935 and married Martínez. A year later he had a daughter with Bienvenida, named Odette Trujillo Ricardo.[citation needed]
Trujillo's three children with María Martínez were Rafael Leónidas Ramfis, who was born on 5 June 1929, María de los Ángeles del Sagrado Corazón de Jesús (Angelita), born in Paris on 10 June 1939, and Leónidas Rhadamés, born on 1 December 1942. Ramfis and Rhadamés were named after characters in Giuseppe Verdi's opera Aida.[citation needed]
In 1937, Trujillo met Lina Lovatón Pittaluga,[49] an upper-class debutante with whom he had two children, Yolanda in 1939, and Rafael, born on 20 June 1943.[citation needed]
In spite of Trujillo's indifference to the game of baseball, the dictator invited many black American players to the Dominican Republic, where they received good pay for playing on first-class, un-segregated teams. The great Negro League star Satchel Paige pitched for Los Dragones of Ciudad Trujillo, a team organized by Trujillo. Paige later claimed, jokingly, that his guards positioned themselves "like a firing squad" to encourage him to pitch well. Los Dragones won the 1937 Dominican championship at Estadio Trujillo in Ciudad Trujillo.[50]
Trujillo was energetic and fit. He was generally quite healthy but suffered from chronic lower urinary infections and, later, prostate problems. In 1934, Dr. Georges Marion was called from Paris to perform three urologic procedures on Trujillo.[51]
Over time Trujillo acquired numerous homes. His favorite was Casa Caobas, on Estancia Fundacion near San Cristóbal.[52] He also used Estancia Ramfis (which, after 1953, became the Foreign Office), Estancia Rhadames, and a home at Playa de Najayo. Less frequently he stayed at places he owned in Santiago de los CaballerosConstanzaLa CumbreSan José de las Matas, and elsewhere. He maintained a penthouse at the Embajador Hotel in the capital.[53]
While Trujillo was nominally a Roman Catholic, his devotion was limited to a perfunctory role in public affairs; he placed faith in local folk religion.[44]
He was popularly known as "El Jefe" ("The Chief") or "El Benefactor" ("The Benefactor") but was privately referred to as Chapitas ("Bottlecaps") because of his indiscriminate wearing of medals. Dominican children emulated Trujillo by constructing toy medals from bottle caps. He was also known as "El Chivo" ("The Goat").[citation needed]

Assassination[edit]

"Memorial to the Heroes of 30 May", a 1993 sculpture by Silvano Lora along Autopista 30 de Mayo where Trujillo was shot
On Tuesday, 30 May 1961, Trujillo was shot and killed when his blue 1957 Chevrolet Bel Air was ambushed on a road outside the Dominican capital.[54] He was the victim of an ambush plotted by a number of men, among them General Juan Tomás Díaz, Pedro Livio CedeñoAntonio de la MazaAmado García Guerrero and General Antonio Imbert Barrera.[55] The plotters, however, failed to take control as the later-to-be-executed General José René Román Fernandez ("Pupo Román") betrayed his co-conspirators by his inactivity, and contingency plans had not been made.[56] On the other side, Johnny Abbes, Roberto Figueroa Carrión, and the Trujillo family put the SIM to work to hunt the members of the plot and brought back Ramfis Trujillo from Paris to step into his father's shoes. The response by SIM was swift and brutal. Hundreds of suspects were detained, many tortured. On 18 November the last executions took place when six of the conspirators were executed in the "Hacienda María Massacre".[57] Imbert was the only one of the seven assassins who survived the manhunt.[58] A co-conspirator named Luis Amiama Tio also survived.[citation needed]
President John F. Kennedy learned of Trujillo's death during a diplomatic meeting with French President Charles de Gaulle.[59]
Trujillo's funeral was that of a statesman with the long procession ending in his hometown of San Cristóbal, where his body was first buried. President Joaquín Balaguer gave the eulogy. The efforts of the Trujillo family to keep control of the country ultimately failed. The military uprising on 19 November of the Rebellion of the Pilots and the threat of American intervention set the final stage and ended the Trujillo regime.[60] Ramfis tried to flee with his father's body upon his boat Angelita, but was turned back. Balaguer allowed Ramfis to leave the country and to relocate his father's body to Paris. There the remains were interred in the Cimetière du Père Lachaise on 14 August 1964, and six years later moved to Spain, to the Mingorrubio Cemetery in El Pardo on the north side of Madrid.[61]
The role of the Central Intelligence Agency in the killing has been debated. Imbert insists that the plotters acted on their own.[58] However, it is not in doubt that Trujillo was murdered with weapons supplied by the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).[62][58][63]
In a 1975 report to the Deputy Attorney General of the United States, CIA officials described the agency as having "no active part" in the assassination and only a "faint connection" with the groups that planned the killing.[64] But, this report is contradicted by later evidence.
U.S. involvement appears to go deeper than just weapons supply. In the 1950s, the CIA gave José Figueres Ferrer money to publish a political journal, Combate, and to found a left-wing school for Latin American opposition leaders.[65] Funds passed from a shell foundation to the Jacob Merrill Kaplan Fund, next to the Institute of International Labor Research (IILR) headed by Norman Thomas, six-time Presidential candidate for the Socialist Party of America, and finally to Figueres, Sacha Volman, and Juan Bosch.[66][65][63] Sacha Volman, treasurer of the IILR, was a CIA agent.[65]
Cord Meyer was a CIA official responsible for manipulating international groups.[65] He used the contacts with Bosch, Volman, and Figueres for a new purpose - as the United States moved to rally the hemisphere against Cuba's Fidel Castro, Trujillo had become expendable.[65] Dissidents inside the Dominican Republic argued that assassination was the only certain way to remove Trujillo.[65]
According to Chester Bowles, the Undersecretary of State, internal Department of State discussions in 1961 on the topic were vigorous.[67] Richard N. Goodwin, Assistant Special Counsel to the President, who had direct contacts with the rebel alliance, argued for intervention against Trujillo.[67] Quoting Bowles directly: The next morning I learned that in spite of the clear decision against having the dissident group request our assistance Dick Goodwin following the meeting sent a cable to CIA people in the Dominican Republic without checking with State or CIA; indeed, with the protest of the Department of State. The cable directed the CIA people in the Dominican Republic to get this request at any cost. When Allen Dulles found this out the next morning, he withdrew the order. We later discovered it had already been carried out.[67]
An internal CIA memorandum states that a 1973 Office of Inspector General investigation into the murder disclosed "quite extensive Agency involvement with the plotters." The CIA described its role in "changing" the government of the Dominican Republic "as a 'success' in that it assisted in moving the Dominican Republic from a totalitarian dictatorship to a Western-style democracy." [68][65]
Juan Bosch, the earlier recipient of CIA funding, was elected president of the Dominican Republic in 1962, and was deposed in 1963.[66]
Even after the death of Trujillo, the unusual events continued. In November 1961, Mexican police found a corpse they identified as Luis Melchior Vidal, Jr., godson of Trujillo.[63] Vidal was the unofficial business agent of the Dominican Republic while Trujillo was in power.[63] Under cover of the American Sucrose Company and the Paint Company of America, Vidal had teamed up with an American, Joel David Kaplan, to operate as arms merchants for the CIA.[63]
Joel David Kaplan was the nephew of the previously mentioned Jacob Merrill Kaplan.[69] The elder Kaplan earned his fortune primarily through operations in Cuba and the Dominican Republic.
In 1962, the younger Kaplan was convicted of killing Vidal, in Mexico City.[63] He was sentenced to 28 years in prison.[63] Kaplan escaped from a Mexican prison using a helicopter. This dramatic event was the basis for the Charles Bronson action film Breakout (1975 film).[70][71]
The Mexican police requested that the FBI arrest and remand Joel Kaplan on 20 August 1971.[63] Kaplan's attorney claimed that Kaplan was a CIA agent.[63] Neither the FBI nor the U.S. Department of Justice have pursued the issue.[63] The Mexican government never initiated extradition proceedings against Kaplan.[71]